Tag Archive for: india

Blood bags. Photo Credit: anemia.org

HLL Lifecare Ltd, one of the largest blood bag manufacturers in India, launched a massive SMS blood donation campaign last month, targeting to reach over 5.5 million customers belonging to the top telecommunications company, BSNL.

The campaign, launched by state Health Minister Adoor Prakash on Blood Donation Day last month in Kerala, a southern state in India, wanted to highlight the virtue of blood donation as a civil responsibility for those who are able in order to help those in need.

Prakash also created a help desk called ‘Heart Beats’ designed to assist prospective blood donors. This was funded by the Hindustan Latex Family Planning Promotion Trust (HLFPPT), an organization affiliated with HLL Lifecare, in association with the Kerala State AIDS Control Society.

The purpose of the help desk is to funnel the donors to the patients. Individuals who want to donate blood voluntarily can register their details, including name, place, blood group and phone number either at the help desk or to the help desk via SMS. They are intended to be set up at local health care centers and can also assist patients during emergencies.

India has harbored SMS blood donation programs in the past. Indianblooddonors.com is  a website that serves as a database listing for thousands of blood donors from over hundreds of Indian cities. It was launched in 2000 with the SMS component implemented a few years later.

It works in the opposite way of HLL Lifecare’s system. A person in need of blood sends out a text message to a special number, mentioning, in a particular format, his name, city and the blood group required. Within a few seconds, he gets a return SMS with the name and number of a donor in that city.

Photo Credit: HLL Lifecare

Despite having the capability of saving lives, this was a little known service in India. However HLL Lifecare’s current campaign seems to be aiming for much more publicity and awareness on blood donating.

India frequently engages with shortages of blood supply. India usually faces deficits of up to millions of units of blood per year.

Furthermore, isolated populations usually have difficulties reaching out to blood donors and suppliers and often don’t get the blood they desperately need. India’s telecommunications industry is the fastest growing in the world. Nearly 75% of the population, about 900 million people, has mobile phones. Hopefully, this SMS campaign will bring light to the issue of blood donations and help curb the burden by taking advantage of mobile phone prevalence and growth in the country.

Iraq’s largest private telecommunications company, Asiacell, announced this week the launch of its mobile health content download and SMS service which is now available to its prepaid and postpaid subscribers. Asiacell is the only mobile telecom company providing coverage for all of Iraq.

An Iraqi man holds a cell phone. Photo Credit: Mario Tama, Getty Images

The new service offers information on various health practices which can be discriminately selected by the user. Asiacell offers a weekly and a daily health update service. The daily health updates include information on women’s health, men’s health, children’s health, dieting, mental health, and diabetes. Albeit a little more limited, the weekly updates is a downloadable service which only cover topics such as sports and fitness, mental health, and emergency medicine.

Customers can subscribe to the daily SMS service, by sending a blank SMS message to the toll-free short code “2330”, and then send their preferred health topic, which they can choose from a list that will be automatically sent via SMS, to short code “2331”.  This service costs IQD 2,500 ($2.14) per month.

Subscribers can also download content on a weekly basis by sending the number “1” to short code “2332” for sports and fitness information, or to “2333” for mental health information, or to “2334” for emergency medicine information. This service costs IQD 2,000 ($1.71) per month.

A similar service operates in India called mDhil which uses SMS to send health messages on various topics. The service overcame social stigmas regarding certain topics of health such as reproductive health, and became one of the most successful mHealth programs in India. Asiacell’s new service faces identical hurdles in Iraq and hopes to prevail like mDhil did.

Photo Credit: Asiacell

Asiacell is the only telecom provider to cover all of Iraq. They provide services to nearly 8 million of the estimated 31 million living in Iraq. This is remarkable given that just 5 years ago under the reign of Saddam Hussein, less than one million Iraqis had access to land lines and the average civilian did not have access to a mobile phone. Despite that and the war which ruined telecommunication infrastructure, Iraqis now have steady access to telecom services, especially mobile phones.

It is probably due to the increased access to information that has led Iraqis to become more health conscious claims Asiacell. Dr. Mustafa Adil, an Iraqi physician, said that maintaining a healthy lifestyle has become a major concern for communities, as people are more aware of the importance of following the latest health advancements and practices. He explained that Asiacell’s Mobile Health service supports the healthcare sector’s goal to promote sound health habits.

A telehealth service was launched in India in early May called MeraDoctor. Created by the managing director of mHealth Venture India Pvt Ltd. Dr. Ajay Nair, MeraDoctor is the first service in India to offer unlimited medical consultations with a licensed doctor over the phone.

The service is highly convenient and highly accessible, since Indians can call the service from any part of India that has phone connectivity. It sounds like a customer service hotline, but unlike customer service systems which usually provide 24 hour coverage, MeraDoctor only operates from 8am to 10pm. However they are now advertising that 24 hour coverage will be coming soon.

Photo Credit: MeraDoctor

The MeraDoctor system is quite simple. They offer two plans, one for 300 Rs and a second for 500 Rs, for 3 months and 6 months of coverage respectively. The customer has the freedom to make unlimited consultations during hours of operation from any where in India and medical help can be offered for up to 6 family members.

Customers call the number, explain the symptoms and receive a diagnosis along with a drug prescription. The drug prescription is designed to be sent via SMS to the customer. If the condition is complex or enigmatic, the doctor sends information via SMS to the customer on the location of the nearest health facilities and the medical tests to take.

Nair says the doctors are fully licensed and are not to exit the phone conversation until the customer is completely satisfied and has all questions answered. “We encourage them to call us if they don’t understand their test results or what the doctor told them. Our aim is to answer all queries until the caller is satisfied,” explains Nair.

According to Nair, calls sometimes last up to 45 minutes long. MeraDoctors train their doctors not to use medical jargon in order to make the customer comfortable. Says Nair, “all the doctors at MeraDoctor besides being trained in internationally accepted phone triage protocol, are also taught to offer a friendly ear to each caller.”

MeraDoctor has reached 900 families so far in India and looks to keep growing. Similar programs have been implemented in Bangladesh, Australia and Kenya with mixed success. However, if MeraDoctor stays true to its claims of customer friendly service, reliability and unlimited consultations, the service may become a popular fixture.

According to Nair, the patient-doctor dynamic in India is one where a patient refrains from medical consultation until the condition worsens. And when a patient sees a doctor, he/she waits at the doctor’s office for hours for only 5-10 minutes and then pays for the visit out of pocket. Nair wants MeraDoctor to serve as an avenue for thorough and convenient consulting.

Ideologically, the MeraDoctor system is precious for many Indians who have inadequate and substandard medical care. However, immediate issues surface when talking about quality of medical advice and providing accurate diagnoses. Also, if patients are referred to visit a clinic, are they still asked to pay full price for the clinic services despite paying for MeraDoctor services? That wouldn’t seem opportunistic at all. Especially when Indians spend up to an eight of their income paying for medical services. In any case, MeraDoctor seems to be gaining ground, and any success will be significant for Indians.

Crowd up people will cell phones held up

In Kashmir Photo Credit: BBC

A year after the government imposed a ban on Short Message Services (SMS) in the Kashmir Valley for “security purposes,” the numbers of cell phones has decreased,  but the demand for Internet enabled phones to access Facebook continues to rise.

Kashmiris avidly use the social media site, and last Friday it was the catalyst for the arrest of London-based BBC Urdu Services senior journalist Naeema Ahmed Mehjoor by the state.

Compared to June last year when the SMS ban began, the number of cell phone users in Jammu and Kashmir has gone down from 5,155,363 to 4,974,400 in April this year—a decline of 3.5 per cent.

Those Kashmiris who do own cell phones, however, want to use them to exchange messages and access social media sites like Facebook.

“After the ban on SMS services, every customer wants to purchase Internet enabled mobiles so that they can exchange messages on the move. Therefore the demand for the same is on a rise in the Valley as the Internet enabled mobiles are available at very cheap rates now,” says Ajaz Ahmed, an executive at a mobile shop there.

According to a study on social media usage by The Nielsen Company, nearly 30 million Indians are online where two-thirds spend time on social networking sites daily, more time than they do on personal email. 42 per cent of mobile users in India use their phones to go onto Facebook, according to the report.

A local, Jameel Bhat, says using Facebook on mobiles is a cheaper option. “I used to be in touch with my friend in Dubai through SMS but after the ban, I found making calls very expensive. Now, I chat through mobile as I cannot afford a computer and other Internet services,” he says.

Jasmine Kour, another avid Kashmiri Facebook user, also finds the social networking site a ‘good source of acquiring knowledge’ because it is easily accessible on her cell phone.

Access to Facebook on mobile phones has not always been easy though, as the state continually denies citizens access.

The cellular communication in Kashmir has been witnessing sharp ups and down since 2008. The most recent ban being in June 2010 when the government shut down the SMS service for the five month long agitation against killing of teenagers.

BBC World News LogoIncidentally, the BBC journalist, Naeema Ahmed Mehjoor kept the high response from the Kashmir people towards Facebook in view, using the social media platform as source for primary information.

This was until she was arrested by J-K police for “inciting violence and spreading disinformation,” on June 10th.

Mehjoor was booked under Section 66 of the Information Technology Act; using the IT for spreading dissatisfaction against the state.

She was taken in for her comment on Facebook, ‘Why did police kill this man in Lalchowk? Any reason?’ on June 6th. The comment was made the same day a man was killed in Srinagar’s Lal Chowk area by an unidentified gunman.

The man, police claim, was killed in a criminal conspiracy by three armed men and not police.

“As a journalist, I am working for peace,” she claimed.

Well-known broadcaster Mehjoor has been writing articles for local dailies about the 2010 unrest, where she would gain insight on Facebook to reflect the daily happenings. She also went public on her rejection to three-member Kashmir interlocutors’ invitation for a peace conference on the Kashmir problem.

This is another case where the combination of mobile and social media have helped to both push and pull information in civil society. Yet another example of how the oppressive states have attempted to circumvent citizens from accessing new technologies to control their freedom of expression and right to information.

 

 

 

 

 

map of roads either complete or incomplete

Photo Credit: Rising Voices

In India, fishermen living in the city of Olcott, Chennai have relied on the beach for hundreds of years to earn livelihoods. After the British acquired this three-mile strip of land, members of this fishing community were deemed trespassers in their own homes.

Now, participatory mapping drawn up by Olcott citizens helps to create a visualization of the relationship between the fishermen and the coastline to make the government more responsible and accountable.

This is the objective of Transparent Chennai, a hands-on platform created by The Center for Development Finance, working under a Rising Voices Microgrant.

Aggregating, collecting, and displaying data for public interest use, on Usur and Olcott fishing communities in South Chennai, provides a visual to the gaps where legislation needs to be created. This ensures that fisherman have access to the water and can claim rights to their land.

The statement on the website clarifies their end goal:

Our goal is to enable residents, especially the poor, to have a greater voice in planning and city governance

Residents of Usur and Olcott engage in participatory workshops where they contribute to the map, mark the boundaries of their village, and land use patterns. They can show varying livelihoods within the community, and how space outside of their homes is used, particularly along the water.

The maps identify local resources, points of historical and ritual importance, and gaps in local infrastructure and government services. By providing easy-to-understand information, the maps can better highlight citizen needs, shed light on government performance, and improve their lives in the city, one issue at a time.

Transparent Chennai believes that lack of data has sometimes allowed for the government to evade its responsibilities and to provide basic entitlements to all city residents.

They collaborate with citizen to integrate accurate, first hand information. “We work closely with individuals and citizens’ groups to create data that can help them counter inaccurate or incomplete government data, and make better claims on the government for their rights and entitlements,”

Creating the maps is not limited to just the perspective of adult citizens, though.

Recently, eighth grade students at Olcott Memorial School in Besant Nagar participated in a four-week mapping workshop run by Transparent Chennai. Using Google Earth and Google Maps, along with paper maps, they marked their own important landmarks of the city.

 

Students use paper to figure out how their symbols should look. Red writing with things like bathroom posted on it [Photo Credit: Siddharth Hande

Students use paper to figure out how their symbols should look Photo Credit: Siddharth Hande

Anjney Midhall, who facilitated the mapping workshop describes the scene at the school: “…around me, children of the eighth grade at the Olcott Memorial School in Besant Nagar are busy mapping out their school’s campus in groups, developing their own unique symbols and keys, color schemes and layouts…By the end of the session, maps emerge, each diagram telling a story of its own.”

Through locally generated maps, Transparent Chennai aims to do their part in rectifying a lack of data and the lack of government accountability to meet the basic needs of its citizens. ‘Participatory mapping’, is one of the best ways to do this.

 

 

The emergence of IBM’s Spoken Web, a mobile innovation that eliminates literacy as a precursor to access the internet, is a game-changer in the ICT for Agriculture sector.

Unlike other efforts to bridge the global information divide, even people with limited to no functional literacy skills will find Spoken Web user-friendly. With nearly 800 million functional illiterates around the world, the inability to read remains a major impediment to the use of ICT4D. This is most acute in the most remote parts of the developing world where livelihoods and agriculture are inextricably linked.

The mobile innovation is essentially a world wide network of VoiceSites joined to make the Spoken Web. Its most essential hardware is a telephone, which people use to browse VoiceSites by saying keywords, also known as VoiLinks.

This rapidly progressing network of voice recordings is predicated on a system called VoiGem, which simplifies the process of creating voice-based applications. VoiGem is unique compared to existing interactive voice response technology because it allows users to create their own VoiceSites that consists of voice pages (VoiceXML files) that may be linked. Each page is identified by the user’s phone number. This identification mode allows the user to easily edit VoiceSites and pages from their phone.

The mobile-centric nature of this development reflects a global trend and complements a development need, particularly for agriculture. Although small scale farmers, scattered across some of the most far-flung places around the globe, make up a large portion of the 5 billion people without access to the internet and computers, a growing number of these people own cellphones. In fact, farmers constitute a strong contingent among the 3 in 4 people worldwide who own mobiles. Although only a fifth of those with mobile subscriptions worldwide have access to mobile broadband services, the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) “predicts that within the next five years, more people will hop onto the Web from laptops and mobile gadgets than from desktop computers”.

As more farmers join the growing legion of wired folks, they will have faster and more reliable opportunities to access and share information. This development will reduce information asymmetries, structure and strengthen agricultural markets by bringing the internet to parts of the world where small scale farmers, consumers, middlemen and traders have limited knowledge about where to access and trade food.

The technology is also culturally appropriate given the oral nature of many cultures in the developing world. Farmers will also have the opportunity to efficaciously share valuable indigenous farming retentions.

As with most things, the Spoken Web also comes with challenges. Chief among the challenges is that though voice-recognition technology can match search terms against a previously processed index of recorded voice sites, it presents cumbersome results. However, the technology is being refined to be more precise. Precision is especially important because farmers and other end-users will not be able to retain all the information found on lengthy voice pages/sites, and they may not have the literacy skills to jot down points. Interestingly though, the Spoken Web comes with a fast-forward feature that enables the user to listen as if they were skim-reading.

Despite these challenges, the technology has been successfully piloted in eight Indian villages. It is now a central part of farming and health-care delivery in four Indian states, parts of Thailand and Brazil.


What role should governments play in leading their citizens down the path to become actively engaged in the knowledge society? It varies greatly on the availability, motivations, and agenda behind the corresponding country’s use of ICTs.

Last week, the World Bank held the highly anticipated four ICT Days, which explored the multifaceted functions of ICTs and how governments can use them to, “Innovate, Connect and Transform” civil society in developing nations.

During the “Connectivity Infrastructure Day”, two speakers from different regions discussed their country’s distinctive agendas and how their government’s involvement of ICTs is enveloped within their economic development reforms.

While Korea Telecom’s (KT) Vice President, Dr. Hansuk Kim, discussed the prospects of nation wide interconnectivity in Rwanda; India’s Ministry of Communication and IT Secretary, Shankar Aggarwal, unveiled his country’s e-government initiatives.

In 2008, KT made a US$40 million deal to collaborate with Rwanda’s government to construct a national backbone project expected to connect the country on a fiber-optic network. The contract obliges KT to provide the government with technology, equipment, relevant application materials and training and to manage the cable installation process. KT will also install a wireless broadband network that will be accessible to 10,000 people in Kigali.

Dr. Kim discussed how Rwanda’s proximity to other African countries, such as Burundi, Tanzania, and the Congo, can serve as a potential customer base. In the future, these countries could use Rwanda’s backbone infrastructure to serve as interconnect points.

 

Kim also argued that a top-down approach is necessary for large-scale investments in developing economies. He states that the supplier should be on location, and relying solely on private investment can result in fragmented connectivity, so “the government had to initiate the development cycle by giving it a jumpstart. It (the connectivity) has to start somewhere.” Please view the video below to see his argument against the common notion that a government subsidized infrastructure, would inadvertently produce a government owned monopoly:

Once completed, Rwanda’s national backbone will possess the capability to enable online activities requiring high speed, broadband Internet. This includes initiating e-government services, to integrate citizens in the governing processes, similar to the e-government proposal that India has been working on for some time.

 

Shankar Aggarwal, secretary of the Ministry of Communications and IT in India, spoke at the World Bank event about this new e-governance initiative by the government to make public services, and governance regulations, more inclusive and transparent.

 

India is a country that has experienced monumental economic growth in the last 5 years—but the distribution of wealth to its 1.2 billion residents remains extremely imbalanced. 70% of the total population lives in rural areas and survive off less than a dollar a day.

 

India is at a crossroads in their development, as aspirations and hopes increase, those left behind are no longer content to live out the remainder of their lives in poverty. E-governance presents the opportunity to include these individuals in the governance process.

 

Aggarwal noted that India’s growth will be harnessed without involving the rural poor in governing their country, “if we want to have a sustainable growth, if we want to have happy societies, we have to go in to an inclusive growth…where each and every resident of that country feels that they are part of the governance process”. He began his speech by arguing that the catalyst for the current protests in the Middle East were societies are not being inclusive of citizens in their governing processes.

 

Please view the following video where he discusses the future of India’s e-governance initiatives for citizen’s inclusion.

 

The role of these governments to actively expand their connectivity and infrastructure is one that has a common goal: to include their citizens in the knowledge society. Whether it is using public funds for a start up backbone infrastructure, or creating an e-government initiative to make government processes more inclusive, governments from around the world are channeling into the benefits of being interconnected.

 

 

Man sitting on a pile of yellow cablesWhen we last examined the Indian IT boom on this blog we were left with a few important conclusions.  First, it became clear that the IT boom was driven by software exports and that these exports grew linearly until 1992.  In that year something happened in the industry and software exports began to take off in an exponential manner.

Knowing that the primary input into software is labor, and that the rate of employment growth didn’t change dramatically, we can be certain that this take off in software exports was caused by massive increases in labor productivity; and we have a graph to show it.  The figure below shows revenues per worker in the software industry over the course of the 1990s.

The takeoff is extraordinary. By the late 1990s software firms were hiring as many engineers as they could find, and each additional worker was leading to even higher marginal revenues.  Shockingly, despite the huge IT workforce that was a precursor to the boom in the first place, by the end of the decade the number one complaint of IT firms in business surveys was a scarcity of labor.

The boom in labor productivity could only have come from two sources: better management practices and moving up the value chain (and it in fact came from both).  India already had highly trained workers, and these workers were already working with advanced machinery. They were however engaged in simple work conducted “on-site” – mostly systems design, analysis and coding.  There were few, if any, Indian firms doing turnkey software projects.  By the early 2000s that fact had changed completely.  Whereas in 1988 90% of all software exports were “on-site” services, by 2003 that number was down to 40% and falling.

What happened to allow India to move up the software value chain and to force firms to invest heavily in improved management practices?  The logical place to start looking for clues is in the massive political change that occurred in India in 1991.  In the 1950’s Nehru had established a Soviet-style system of central planning and restrictions on the private sector that came to be known as the “License Raj.”  But in ’91, facing a currency crisis that required IMF intervention, the international community forced reforms on India that made it much easier for businesses to spring up and foreign investment to pour in.  And pour in it did: the graph below shows foreign investment into India throughout the 1990s. Its exponential shape seems to mirror that of software exports.

Graphs displaying FDI Flows In India, by year

 

But of course the story isn’t quite that simple.  While the 1992-99 period did see 68 multinational software firms establish offices in the country, software exports have always been largely the domain of domestic firms.  By 2001 multinationals still accounted for only 15% of such exports from India.

It is also important to note that in 1990 and 1991 the government established a series of software technology parks (STPs).  The first one opened in Bangalore in August 1990 and included modern communications networks that were beyond the reach of ordinary firms.  Even after liberalization the government continued to do this, and by 2002 there were 39 parks that together accounted for 80% of the country’s software exports.

So we have a lot of different elements – some involving liberalization and some involving outright subsidization – that were woven together to create a unique growth recipe for IT in India.  The story can be told briefly somewhat like this.

In the mid-1980s, while Indian IT was almost entirely focused on on-site services, Texas Instruments came in and established a research and development center in Bangalore.  The exact reasons they were willing to go through the trouble of starting a subsidiary in India during the License Raj years are unknown, but the fact that they had an IIT-educated Indian VP may well have had something to do with it.  Many of their multinational competitors watched from afar as this business was set up, but none followed.  Bangalore at the time TI arrived was a hub of the Indian defense industry, home of an IIT, and a logical place for the government to establish a science and technology park.  They did so largely at the urging of the software exporters specializing in “on-site” software development.  They felt that with better data links to their work sites (links they couldn’t afford on their own) they would be better able to do more of their work in India.  That would save them a large amount of money in both travel and in the division of labor.  Often consultants that went out from India on site visits were top tier company employees – they had to be capable of the most complex tasks that clients would ask of them.  But these top employees spent little of their time on the ground doing complex tasks.  Often times they simply coded, a job for which software engineers in the US and Europe almost never do Pronab Sen noted that because of this phenomenon the average productivity of an Indian on-site software engineer in the US was only 30% of his American counterpart.  With reliable data links the on-site consultant could farm this work out to employees at home and spend more of his time doing complex work.

By 1993 this had begun to happen.  “Off-shoring,” the development of software in India, had jumped by a third over the previous two years.  Consequently, the labor productivity associated with the primary industry laborers, the on-site software engineers, had begun to soar.  As more and more work was done off-shore by the companies that had previously requested on-site services, they became more comfortable with it.  Gradually, more and more valuable work was allowed to be off-shored.

At the same time that “on-site” consulting firms were beginning to do more offshore work India was liberalizing.  The firms that had long watched Texas Instruments, and had seen them prove that successful R&D could be done in India, finally could make a business case to move into the country.

So foreign software firms began to move into India, and previously on-site clients began to do more work off-shore, all at the same time. This led to a fierce competition for the primary resource in the IT sector, programmers and engineers.  But interestingly, as pointed out by the economist Suma Athreye, the Indian firms and the multinationals were only competing in the input market, not the product market.  The large multinational subsidiaries established in India sold their product only to their parent company.  This meant that the presence of multinational firms in India forced salaries up, forced domestic firms to adopt more efficient labor use strategies, but did not compete with (and potentially destroy) them.  These positive incentives had an impact on labor productivity.  By the late 1990’s Indian firms had earned ISO certifications that were on par with the multinationals with whom they were competing for talent.  A culture of organizational management expertise was inaugurated, and as new Indian firms were created in throughout the 1990’s they sought this expertise as well.  So it was truly a combination of moving up the value chain and improved business processes that led to the labor productivity boom, and it was brought about by a unique combination of public policies (some liberal, some not) and private sector initiative.

What lessons can we draw from this experience?  I pull out a few, but am happy to debate them.

1)   In India business parks were successful.  I can think of many places where they were not.  They worked in India because existing business had a need (connectivity) that the business park could solve.  They were not meant to create an industry out of nothing.

2)   A plan that relies on accessing export markets can work, but it works really well when you have limited competition and your citizens hold management positions with the primary overseas clients.

3)   The entry of multinationals had a catalytic effect on growth in software exports from domestic Indian firms.  This is likely because they only competed in input markets, not output markets, and because Indian firms were already well established.

I could probably go on, but a trend is emerging.  It seems that standard interventions to support ICT industries – a business park, a strategy of liberalization – can go either of two ways.  It can help your industry or hurt it, depending on conditions on the ground. This argues strongly for heterodox policies that are country specific and take account of these circumstances.

 

Indian Man sitting on a large amount of yellow cablesThe mention of the word India may still call to mind visions of extreme poverty, but unlike other developing countries it is just as likely to make you think of software parks, call centers, and bustling businessmen jumping to catch the next flight to Silicon Valley.  India has taken a fantastic leap into the 21st century over the last two decades and in doing so it taught everyone in the development community a lesson.  It showed us that the IT sector could drive economic growth.

Since that time repeated efforts have been made to replicate India’s success.   Many governments have targeted IT and ICT as a growth sector and development agencies continue to pour hundreds of millions of dollars (if not more) into this work every year.  But the successes that governments and donors have brought about have been piecemeal. They help individuals and groups but have so far failed to bring about the revolutionary, economy-wide change that has been sought.

This disconnect between goals and results seems to call for some discussion.  If it was indeed India that convinced us that IT could drive economies in the first place, perhaps we should take another look back at that case.  After all, the lessons of India have been internalized to the point that they now form the basis of what we know as best-practice in ICT sector development: focus on the export sector, think about business process outsourcing, etc.  Could it be that we have over learned these lessons?

The graph below presents the Indian IT boom in one picture.  It shows IT exports in real US dollars over time, from 1980 to 2009, broken down by product classification.

This first glance reveals a few key insights. First, it confirms the widely accepted view that software exports (blue) were the driver of the IT boom.  Note that sector output was already on an exponential growth path by the mid-to-late 1990s, before Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) began to register as an economic activity.  Growth in the export of software paved the way for new business opportunities to emerge: first BPO, then training and design.  The sector has diversified as it has grown, but that growth has always been on the back of software exports.

It also becomes clear that growth in software exports can be traced to the mid 1990s.  A closer look reveals more.

At this scale it becomes clear that the boom actually began in 1992.  By 1993 software was a billion-dollar export industry. To get to that point output more than doubled from the 1990-91 to the 1991-92 fiscal year.  From that point export growth in the sector remained on average above 50% per annum for the next decade.

In explaining India’s software export growth the Economist Probab Sen noted that until the early 1990s, “the linear trend is consistently superior to the exponential…since then, however the semi-log trend starts dominating the linear.”  Put simply, until the early 1990s, growth in software exports was linear.  In 1992, the year of the boom, it became exponential.  What happened?

Any attempt to answer that question would do well to recognize that India already had a successful and growing software industry by 1990.  In 1980 India exported only four million dollars worth of software.  By 1990 that number stood at 250 million.  So the Indian ICT sector did not begin with the boom.  Rather it began much earlier, more or less at the same time that it began in earnest in the United States – with the emergence of semiconductor and microprocessor technology the 1970s.

At that time India was poised to participate in the digital revolution like no other country in the developing world. The strong philosophy of “self reliance” present at independence led the country to found the Indian Institutes of Technology in the 1950s and 60s, creating a large cadre of technically savvy professionals, many of whom were working in the United States when the digital revolution began.  Perhaps the most famous is Vinod Kholsa, an IIT graduate who pursued an advanced degree at Stanford’s Graduate School of Business and co-founded Sun Microsystems with two of his classmates there in 1982.  In “The World is Flat” Tom Friedman claims that 25,000 Indian technologists like Mr. Kholsa have settled in the US since 1953.

While the first cohorts of IIT grads were pursuing graduate education in the west, new dynamics at play domestically resulted in companies developing an interest in software.  In 1970 India became the first developing country to create a government office dedicated to electronics, and from 1972 its policy was to actively encourage software export.  This created certain tax and customs incentives that were exploited by companies for their own financial gain.

Information technology was one of the few sectors where India’s protectionist government allowed foreign investment.  IBM had a presence there by the mid 1970s, and it supplied a large amount of the mainframe computers in use in the country.  These computers came with their own software, but as that software needed to be upgraded or modified, or as other uses came to be needed for the mainframe, software began to be developed inside of Indian companies, often by IIT graduates (importing software was too expensive). These companies then came to find that if they claimed some of this in-house software development was for export that the government would allow them to import hardware more cheaply. Consequently, some large companies that were not at all in the IT business began to spin-off software export arms – partially as a way of lowering their hardware costs.

Among the first to do this was the Tata group, a large conglomerate with interests in steel and automobiles.  In 1974 Tata Consultancy Services (or TCS) became one of the first Indian software exporters, and it did so through a unique business model called “on-site software development.”  TCS would send employees abroad to provide software support to western firms (mostly in the US), primarily on systems analysis and design. This labor was usually offered at less than 20% of what it would have cost the host company to hire locally. It was done on-site, rather than remotely, largely because telecommunications and data links between India and the west at that time were not good enough to allow remote work.

So not only did India have a valuable service to provide, but there were Indians on the buy-side in the US that were familiar with the skill set and work ethic offered by companies such as TCS.  Throughout the 1980s this business began to grow, to the point that by 1989 it accounted for 90% of all Indian software exports.  But it grew linearly.  The primary input in this on-site software development, trained technologists, could only be procured through the technology institutions.  These schools were already packed to the gills with students, and a set cohort came onto the market every year. They performed the same labor, under the same circumstances, and had a relatively constant level of productivity throughout the 1980s.  The growth in software exports over that time can therefore be attributed to more workers and more clients, not to any particular type of innovation.

The Indian IT boom came when the sector changed in a way that allowed the productivity levels of these workers to increase dramatically. I’ll explore these changes in my next post.

Already in the Indian story questions are raised that are relevant for how we conduct ICT sector development work today.  What is the role of the state? In India, protectionist policies were relaxed in such a way as to created incentives for companies to send software engineers abroad, laying the groundwork of the sector.  Does that offer lessons for us in the era of free trade?  What about the role of education? From the story thus far it seems central.  Are we focusing in this area or are we siloed in an “Economic Growth” world?  What about the role of foreign investors?  Did IBM play a central role?  Further, in our sector development efforts, are we trying to create an industry from scratch, and claim that it can drive an economy immediately?  What are reasonable expectations?

Sources

Sen, Pronab “Indian Software Exports: An Assessment” Econmic and Political Weekly, February 18-25, 1995.

Kumar, Nagesh “Indian software Industry Development: International and National Perspective” Economic and Political Weekly, Novermber 10, 2001

Lateef, Asma 1997. “Linking up with the global economy, a case study of the Bangalore Software Industry,” NIOP, DP/96/97, Geneva: International Institute for Labor Statistics.

Kumar, Nagesh and K.J. Joseph, “Export of Software and Business Process Outsourcing from Developing Countries: Lessons from the Indian Experience” Asia-Pacific Trade and Investment Review, April 2005.

Arora, Ashih et. al, “The Indian Software Services Industry” Research Policy, October 2001.

Heeks, Richard “ICTs for Development” Personal Blog. Indian IT Sector Statistics: 1980-2009 Time Series Data.

Three Indian fisherwomen sit with their nets

Photo credit: SPIDER

Women play a vital role in the operation of the fisheries in India, and their contributions penetrate every aspect of the industry from postharvest handling, preservation, processing and marketing. In the southern maritime states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, women dominate the retail fish trade. According to the Global Aquaculture Alliance, between 50-70% of fisherwomen and their families are dependent on fresh fish marketing or traditional fish processing for their livelihoods.

However, fisherwomen in the region want to advance their socioeconomic status beyond sustainability levels. One project, conducted by Coastal Oceans Research and Development in the Indian Ocean (CORDIO) sought to help them do just that while simultaneously protecting the coral reefs on which these women and their families depend.

Coral reefs in the Gulf of Mannar are facing several threats, but in Tuticorin, several villages are solely dependent on fish resources obtained from these coral reefs. Fisherwomen face uncertain catches of varying quality, difficult post harvesting techniques and increasing demand. Crowded fishing grounds, and this increase in demand often cause fishermen to adopt destructive fishing methods.

To reduce the pressure on coral reef resources and economic vulnerability of coastal communities, local fisherwomen self help groups were trained on ICTs and other methods of adult education. The aim of introducing adult education and ICT trainings was:

  • to empower local fisherwomen self help groups
  • enhance literacy and livelihood
  • reduce pressure on coral reef resources through greater awareness and education about marine environment and resources
  • minimize overall economic vulnerability of coastal communities

Two coordinators from each of 5 villages were selected and trained in adult education and ICTs. Then each village was given a computer, printer, mobile phone and access to the internet. Almost 150 women were trained in adult and environmental education, computer education and hygienic fish drying.

The results were impressive – reef damaged was “considerably” reduced – shore seine operations, mining and anchoring near reefs declines, new coral recruits were observed and live coral area began increasing. These training opportunities also helped fisherwomen earn additional income for their families.

For more information, you can read the case study here in our Project Database.

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