Indian Man sitting on a large amount of yellow cablesThe mention of the word India may still call to mind visions of extreme poverty, but unlike other developing countries it is just as likely to make you think of software parks, call centers, and bustling businessmen jumping to catch the next flight to Silicon Valley.  India has taken a fantastic leap into the 21st century over the last two decades and in doing so it taught everyone in the development community a lesson.  It showed us that the IT sector could drive economic growth.

Since that time repeated efforts have been made to replicate India’s success.   Many governments have targeted IT and ICT as a growth sector and development agencies continue to pour hundreds of millions of dollars (if not more) into this work every year.  But the successes that governments and donors have brought about have been piecemeal. They help individuals and groups but have so far failed to bring about the revolutionary, economy-wide change that has been sought.

This disconnect between goals and results seems to call for some discussion.  If it was indeed India that convinced us that IT could drive economies in the first place, perhaps we should take another look back at that case.  After all, the lessons of India have been internalized to the point that they now form the basis of what we know as best-practice in ICT sector development: focus on the export sector, think about business process outsourcing, etc.  Could it be that we have over learned these lessons?

The graph below presents the Indian IT boom in one picture.  It shows IT exports in real US dollars over time, from 1980 to 2009, broken down by product classification.

This first glance reveals a few key insights. First, it confirms the widely accepted view that software exports (blue) were the driver of the IT boom.  Note that sector output was already on an exponential growth path by the mid-to-late 1990s, before Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) began to register as an economic activity.  Growth in the export of software paved the way for new business opportunities to emerge: first BPO, then training and design.  The sector has diversified as it has grown, but that growth has always been on the back of software exports.

It also becomes clear that growth in software exports can be traced to the mid 1990s.  A closer look reveals more.

At this scale it becomes clear that the boom actually began in 1992.  By 1993 software was a billion-dollar export industry. To get to that point output more than doubled from the 1990-91 to the 1991-92 fiscal year.  From that point export growth in the sector remained on average above 50% per annum for the next decade.

In explaining India’s software export growth the Economist Probab Sen noted that until the early 1990s, “the linear trend is consistently superior to the exponential…since then, however the semi-log trend starts dominating the linear.”  Put simply, until the early 1990s, growth in software exports was linear.  In 1992, the year of the boom, it became exponential.  What happened?

Any attempt to answer that question would do well to recognize that India already had a successful and growing software industry by 1990.  In 1980 India exported only four million dollars worth of software.  By 1990 that number stood at 250 million.  So the Indian ICT sector did not begin with the boom.  Rather it began much earlier, more or less at the same time that it began in earnest in the United States – with the emergence of semiconductor and microprocessor technology the 1970s.

At that time India was poised to participate in the digital revolution like no other country in the developing world. The strong philosophy of “self reliance” present at independence led the country to found the Indian Institutes of Technology in the 1950s and 60s, creating a large cadre of technically savvy professionals, many of whom were working in the United States when the digital revolution began.  Perhaps the most famous is Vinod Kholsa, an IIT graduate who pursued an advanced degree at Stanford’s Graduate School of Business and co-founded Sun Microsystems with two of his classmates there in 1982.  In “The World is Flat” Tom Friedman claims that 25,000 Indian technologists like Mr. Kholsa have settled in the US since 1953.

While the first cohorts of IIT grads were pursuing graduate education in the west, new dynamics at play domestically resulted in companies developing an interest in software.  In 1970 India became the first developing country to create a government office dedicated to electronics, and from 1972 its policy was to actively encourage software export.  This created certain tax and customs incentives that were exploited by companies for their own financial gain.

Information technology was one of the few sectors where India’s protectionist government allowed foreign investment.  IBM had a presence there by the mid 1970s, and it supplied a large amount of the mainframe computers in use in the country.  These computers came with their own software, but as that software needed to be upgraded or modified, or as other uses came to be needed for the mainframe, software began to be developed inside of Indian companies, often by IIT graduates (importing software was too expensive). These companies then came to find that if they claimed some of this in-house software development was for export that the government would allow them to import hardware more cheaply. Consequently, some large companies that were not at all in the IT business began to spin-off software export arms – partially as a way of lowering their hardware costs.

Among the first to do this was the Tata group, a large conglomerate with interests in steel and automobiles.  In 1974 Tata Consultancy Services (or TCS) became one of the first Indian software exporters, and it did so through a unique business model called “on-site software development.”  TCS would send employees abroad to provide software support to western firms (mostly in the US), primarily on systems analysis and design. This labor was usually offered at less than 20% of what it would have cost the host company to hire locally. It was done on-site, rather than remotely, largely because telecommunications and data links between India and the west at that time were not good enough to allow remote work.

So not only did India have a valuable service to provide, but there were Indians on the buy-side in the US that were familiar with the skill set and work ethic offered by companies such as TCS.  Throughout the 1980s this business began to grow, to the point that by 1989 it accounted for 90% of all Indian software exports.  But it grew linearly.  The primary input in this on-site software development, trained technologists, could only be procured through the technology institutions.  These schools were already packed to the gills with students, and a set cohort came onto the market every year. They performed the same labor, under the same circumstances, and had a relatively constant level of productivity throughout the 1980s.  The growth in software exports over that time can therefore be attributed to more workers and more clients, not to any particular type of innovation.

The Indian IT boom came when the sector changed in a way that allowed the productivity levels of these workers to increase dramatically. I’ll explore these changes in my next post.

Already in the Indian story questions are raised that are relevant for how we conduct ICT sector development work today.  What is the role of the state? In India, protectionist policies were relaxed in such a way as to created incentives for companies to send software engineers abroad, laying the groundwork of the sector.  Does that offer lessons for us in the era of free trade?  What about the role of education? From the story thus far it seems central.  Are we focusing in this area or are we siloed in an “Economic Growth” world?  What about the role of foreign investors?  Did IBM play a central role?  Further, in our sector development efforts, are we trying to create an industry from scratch, and claim that it can drive an economy immediately?  What are reasonable expectations?

Sources

Sen, Pronab “Indian Software Exports: An Assessment” Econmic and Political Weekly, February 18-25, 1995.

Kumar, Nagesh “Indian software Industry Development: International and National Perspective” Economic and Political Weekly, Novermber 10, 2001

Lateef, Asma 1997. “Linking up with the global economy, a case study of the Bangalore Software Industry,” NIOP, DP/96/97, Geneva: International Institute for Labor Statistics.

Kumar, Nagesh and K.J. Joseph, “Export of Software and Business Process Outsourcing from Developing Countries: Lessons from the Indian Experience” Asia-Pacific Trade and Investment Review, April 2005.

Arora, Ashih et. al, “The Indian Software Services Industry” Research Policy, October 2001.

Heeks, Richard “ICTs for Development” Personal Blog. Indian IT Sector Statistics: 1980-2009 Time Series Data.

By now we’ve all heard of the telecenters of the 1990s – providing access to hardware and the internet, and shaping the face of ICT4D for a while. And while Internet Cafes are still prevalent, they no longer dominate the ICT4D discussion.

Photograph of the outside of the Bwacha Women's Club Building

Photo Credit: WomenICTEnterprise.org

But there are still lessons that can be learned from past projects. The Kalomo Bwacha Women’s Club looks on the surface like any other telecenter, but in fact, it provided so much more than just access.

The enterprise provides email and telephone services; secretarial services; basic Internet training and browsing; and desktop publishing services such as the creation of calendars, brochures and cards using digital photography for government, public and private institutions, members of women’s clubs and individuals.  The center engages women in using ICTs as part of an effort to transform the face of the district, socially and economically. Participants work to improve other women’s money making activities by using the internet to market their produce. The hope is that this approach will help foster economic growth in a place which is mainly dependent on farming and which has very few companies offering jobs to indigenous people.

There are ten core women members, only one of whom is paid, the rest working on a voluntary, part-time basis.  The full-time employee works from 8.00am to 5.00pm, sees to the daily running of the club, types for the clients, operates the Internet, answers queries and so on.

The other members look for income-generating projects and recruit new members.  They visit Kalomo villages, teaching and sensitising villagers, particularly women, on issues that affect them such as HIV/AIDS and poverty alleviation.  They take digital photos, upload these onto their computers and make prints which they then use to distribute to other communities, sometimes in the form of a poster or a calendar with an educational message.  They particularly promote women’s initiatives and highlight the plight of women in various communities.  These visits help others to realise that they too can advertise their goods and services and learn from each other.

The club also generates income from affiliated clubs, which contribute a small annual fee.  They distribute seed to their affiliated clubs who, once they have harvested it, pay them a fee.  The seed may be maize seed, beans or any other that is expected to do well during that particular season.  All this is at a concessional rate for the affiliated members.  The club also holds community events to raise awareness and funds.  The end of March will see an open market and a beauty competition, both organised by the club.  ICTs play a major part in that participants will be encouraged to keep in touch via email and goods will be advertised on a web site, using digital photos.  The club also hopes to create a database.

By sending women out, this “telecenter” reaches out into the community and makes changes in the lives of the women there. Rather than waiting for them to come to the center, the center brings its services and support to the community.

This is just one of several Women’s ICT-based enterprises described on the Women’s ICT Enterprise website. Although the site has not been updated in some time, the cases are still interesting and provide a good background for similar projects today.

Source: Comminit and WomenICTEnterprise

The NetHope Academy‘s ICT Skills Capacity Building Intern Program will give Haitian university students and recent graduates the opportunity to gain significant IT skills that will allow them to directly participate in the reconstruction of their communities and increase their economic opportunities.

During the course of this internship, candidates will work in the IT departments for participating humanitarian organizations and private sector companies. Program highlights include:

  • Six month internship program for Haitian computer science and engineering students/graduates that provides real world “on the job” training along with focused classroom and self-study learning opportunities
  • Internships will be geared towards desktop support, network administration, and telecommunications jobs
  • Participating organizations will increase capacity of their IT departments and contribute to the development of IT labor pool in Haiti

Apps for Development.

Voting is open for the World Bank’s apps for development competition.

“The Apps for Development Competition aims to bring together the best ideas from both the software developer and the development practitioner communities to create innovative apps using World Bank data.”

I like the idea.  But many of the apps appear to be solutions looking for a problem, probably due to the requirements that entries use World Bank data and address the Millennium Development Goals.  Many entries were not meant to address field-level development needs, which is disappointing. But it is a great initiative, which can be adjusted in future efforts.

The Microsoft sponsored ImagineCup 2011 student IT competition is under way too. Its theme is imagine a world where technology helps solve the toughest problems, also based on the Millennium Development Goals. Deadlines loom so pass the word to interested students.

It will be very interesting to see what comes out of these contests, and if someone can analyze them, see what we can learn about ramping up efforts to develop technologies to solve real-world problems.

Personally, I would like to see the GBI portal become a clearinghouse for practical apps for development – an app store for development, if you will.

Customers in Africa can leapfrog conventional payment methods and benefit from greater financial access in an open banking system

Earlier this month in Nairobi, airtel Africa, Standard Chartered Bank, and MasterCard Worldwide announced the launch of the world’s first virtual card, known as the airtel 1time Shopping card.  The airtel 1time Shopping Card operates off a wallet residing on a mobile phone. This innovative payment method aims to serve the global unbanked population in Africa, where there are close to 400 million mobile phone users with an unbanked population of 230 million households.

airtel Africa, Standard Chartered Bank and MasterCard (not pictured) collaborate on the first virtual card on a mobile phone

Michael Miebach, Division President, Middle East and Africa, MasterCard Worldwide observed how that airtel 1time Shopping card will connect consumers to the global marketplace, “Whether located in urban or rural communities, people will be able to participate in commerce from their hometown to anywhere in the world,” he commented.

This is how the system will work: airtel Africa customers in Kenya will soon be able to use their mobile phone to make online purchases from MasterCard merchants around the world and through a simplified online transaction.  Each time an airtel customer is shopping online he or she will be able to request a single use shopping card number.  The airtel money services then will generate a special 16 digit number that enables the completion of the transaction and when the transaction is completed, a confirmation message will be sent to the consumer’s handset.

Utilizing the mobile technology platform, airtel’s vast consumer penetration, combined with the financial and regulatory framework provided by Standard Chartered Bank, and global acceptance of MasterCard, consumers will be able to transact in a reliable, convenient and secure environment.

Airtel CEO Manoj Kohli

Speaking about the Groundbreaking innovation, Manoj Kohli, airtel’s CEO and Joint Managing Director, stated:

The airtel 1time Shopping Card…will deliver innovative and relevant mobile solutions that will help consumers overcome the daily challenges in their lives. The solution will offer consumers a robust e-commerce solution that delivers security, accessibility, acceptance, ability and a global reach

This single-use shopping card will soon be available in Kenya and rolled out to markets across Africa, subject to regulatory approvals.

This working paper by Jenny C. Aker and Isaac M. Mbiti for the Center for Global Development examines the growth of mobile phone technology over the past decade and considers its potential impacts upon quality of life in low-income countries, with a particular focus on sub-Saharan Africa. An overview of the patterns and determinants of mobile phone coverage in sub-Saharan Africa is first presented followed by a description of the characteristics of primary and secondary mobile phone adopters on the continent. The paper also discusses the channels through which mobile phone technology can impact development outcomes, both as a positive externality of the communication sector and as part of mobile phone-based development projects, and analyze existing evidence.

While current research suggests that mobile phone coverage and adoption have had positive impacts on agricultural and labor market efficiency and welfare in certain countries, the paper notes that the empirical evidence is still somewhat limited. The paper also argues that mobile phone technology cannot serve as the “silver bullet” for development in sub-Saharan Africa, and that careful impact evaluations of mobile phone development projects are required to better understand their impacts upon economic and social outcomes. The paper also notes the need for mobile phone technology to work in partnership with other public good provision and investment.

For more information and to view the working paper please click here.


Written and compiled by Gudrun Wicander at Karlstad University in Sweden, M4D Overview 1.0 is a  the 2009 introduction to mobile for development.  It describes and discusses how mobile devices are used in the developing world to enable economic and technological growth in developing countries. The report presents a broad overview of various reports and studies, ranging from United Nations organisations to reports from mobile operators and producers. These reports outline how developing nations can, and do, use mobile devices to bring essential services, such as medical advice and education, to rural areas.

Some of the topics covered in M4D Overview 1.0 include descriptions of mobile services, how mobiles are used in everyday life, and factors influencing the acquisition, adoption and usage of mobiles. The report also turns its focus to Africa, and examines numerous reports from e.g. Tanzania. Included in M4D Overview 1.0 is a discussion about why m4d is worth considering, and examples of m4d projects in developing countries.

M4D Overview 1.0 is intended for a wide reader audience, and is directed to “d-people without m-knowledge” (that is to say, developers without mobile media knowledge), “m-people without m-knowledge” (mobile media experts with no background in the developing world), and newcomers to the field who have neither a development background nor knowledge in mobile media.

Click this link to access the PDF to the full report.

A solar panel Internet cafe in rural Zambia

According to an article by Jenara Nerenberg for Fast Company, there have been recent investments and digital initiatives in Zambia which could make it the go-to place for Internet giants and entrepreneurs seeking a rural impact.  Demand for Internet services, particularly for farmers, continues to rise and there is are multiple initiatives–such as solar-powered Internet cafes–that have recently taken hold in the country.

Inside one of the first the solar powered Internet cafe

The agriculture industry is imperative in India. The country ranks second worldwide in its farming output, agriculture allotted 16.6% of the country’s GDP in 2007 and employed 52% of the total workforce. Yet most Indian farmers remained impoverished. The origins of this problem stem from the archaic government regulation called the Agriculture Produce Marketing Committee (APMC) Act. Created in the 1960s, the APMC Act founded that agri-companies, like ITC, could only buy agricultural produce through designated markets called mandis where they would have to buy from registered commission agents. Once the crop was harvested, farmers would take their produce to the mandis where their produce would be auctioned by commissioned agents. Since the agent was the only channel between the farmer and the processor, agents would typically auction off multiple lots before taking it to the processor. Thereby ensuring no price or quality transparency in this farm-to-factory cycle. Since the mandis were a formidable distance from the fields, farmers would have to accept the price offered them at auctions on the day that they bring their harvest to the mandi. As a result, traders are well positioned to exploit both farmers and buyers through practices that maintain system-wide inefficiencies and pocket additional differences in price.

Incorporated in 1910, ITC is one of India’s leading private sector companies with a market capitalization of nearly US$18 billion, an annual turnover of US$4.75 billion. Rated one of the “World’s Best Big Companies” and “World’s most reputable companies” by Forbes magazine, ITC has business interests in tobacco, hotels, agri-business, retail, information technology, and others. The company founded its first E-Choupal site in June 2000, where they created Internet kiosks in rural farming villages to create an “improved supply chain”, directly connecting themselves and the farmers. The e-Choupals serve as both a social gathering place, choupal means gathering place in Hindi, to exchange information and an e-commerce hub. What began as an effort to re-engineer the system of processing and acquiring soybean meal, rice food grains, wheat, lentils, and coffee in rural India also created a highly profitable distribution and product design channel for the company. An e-commerce platform that is also a low-cost, mutually beneficial system focused on the needs of rural India.

In addition to the farmers only using the e-Choupal there is also a host farmer, called a sanchalak, who acquires some operating costs and is obligated to serve the entire community; the sanchalak benefits from increased esteem in the community and a commission paid him for all e-Choupal transactions. The farmers can use the Internet kiosks for daily access to closing prices on local mandis, as well as to track global price trends or find information about the weather and new farming techniques.

Famers using the e-Choupal Internet kiosks

The rural farmers can also use the e-Choupal to order seed, fertilizer, and other farming products such as consumer goods from ITC or its partners, at prices lower than those available from village traders. When it is time to harvest the crops, ITC offers to buy the crop directly from any farmer at the previous day’s closing price and then the farmer transports his crop to an ITC processing center known as Choupal Saagars. Choupal Saagars are alternatives to the traditional mandis, catering to about 40 e-Choupals and are all within tractor driving distances. The crop is then weighed electronically and assessed for quality, and the farmer is paid for the crop along with a transport fee. Through this new process, farmers benefit from a more accurate weighing, quicker processing, and immediate payment. Further, the access to a wide range of information, including precise market price knowledge and market trends, assists them in deciding when, where, and at what price to sell.

Though the e-Choupal system serves as a catalyst for rural transformation, alleviating rural seclusion, cultivating transparency for farmers, and enhancing their productivity and incomes, there were still some core problems like education, health care, and insurances, which still eluded the farmer. Governmental system inefficiencies have long kept farmers in an economic hiatus, and companies in the agrarian society struggled to find a balance between their social and shareholder obligations. However, with the e-Choupal system, ITC had a model that created a unification of their seemingly oppositional needs.

The e-Choupal program converged with ITC’s corporate social responsibility initiative to act upon objectives to help the community they were working in. Through their e-Choupals, ITC created Supplementary Learning Centers to help with rural India’s primary education, empowered women to become part of the global marketplace, and developed a three-tier Choupal Health Care model to cultivate the installation and delivery of both preventative and curative healthcare services. In addition, they also generated a full scale retail marketplace in the Choupal Saagars to the rural population and created financial product marketing for the farmers and their families where ITC offers to sell credit through their network. The Kisan Credit Card, third party loans, and channel credit allowed farmers to establish a better established infrastructure which drove down certain aspects of cost and improved the quality of their crops.  Weather insurance, life insurance, along with pension and disability incomes were also established for farmers to have for themselves and their families just in case disaster struck.

One of the retail Choupal Saagars

The e-Choupal system lets farmers be more lenient with their choices, gives them a higher profit margin on their crops, and access to information that improves their productivity. By providing a more transparent process and empowering local people as key nodes in the system, ITC heightens trust and fairness. Critical factors in the success of the venture are ITC’s extensive knowledge of agriculture, the effort ITC has made to retain many original aspects of the existing production system, including maintaining relationships with local partners, ITC’s continued commitment to transparency, and the treating the farmers and local partners with respect and equality.

Sources: CIA World Factbook- India

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